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Saskatchewan
and the New Green Alliance
by John
W. Warnock
Arpil 15, 2000
Saskatchewan is the home province of the
Co-operative
Commonwealth Federation (CCF) and the New Democratic Party (NDP). It is
the only place in North American which has a tradition of electing
social
democratic governments. Since 1944 the CCF-NDP has been the natural
governing
party of the province, with a solid base of 40 percent of the
electorate.
For many years the Saskatchewan section of the CCF and the NDP was the
most left-wing section of those parties. Why is it then the case that
members
of the left in Saskatchewan launched the New Green Alliance in 1998?
Political commentators have agreed that
the Saskatchewan NDP has become more conservative over the past
twenty-five
years. Some have emphasized the structural changes in the economy. The
small family farm has virtually disappeared, to be replaced by much
larger
farms, and increasingly farmers have seen themselves as businessmen and
capitalists. The general standard of living has increased for the
majority,
and they have become more conservative. While the farm and rural
population
has decreased, the organized labour force has grown, but it has not
sought
to transform the NDP into a labour party. The labour movement itself is
much more conservative than it used to be. The NDP has been captured by
the urban professional class: lawyers, managers, well-paid government
functionaries,
teachers, employees of crown corporations and co-operatives, and even
some
small businessmen. Because they are the natural governing party, many
people
join the NDP for career reasons without any ideological
commitment
to social democratic or socialist principles. The other important
factor
often cited is the rise of the political right since 1980 and the
growing
hegemony of neoliberal ideology. (See Briarpatch Magazine,
December 1983; Brown et al, 1999; Harding, 1995; Rasmussen, 1994)
CCF and NDP were the voice of
the people
After the CCF came to office in 1944,
people saw the CCF and its successor the NDP as the primary vehicle for
advancing social change. Most progressive people and political
activists
joined the party and worked through the policy formation structure. The
business community was tied to the Liberal Party and then the
Conservative
Party of Grant Devine. The major social, community and popular groups
in
the province had close ties to the party, primarily through ties of
individual
membership. When the CCF-NDP was in office, progressive activists found
good jobs in the state structure.
But there also has been a long tradition
of independent political action by groups outside the informal
farmer-labour
alliance of the CCF-NDP. The most commonly cited example is the various
farm groups and co-operatives. Many trade unions are not affiliated
with
the NDP, and many locals of affiliated unions have declined
affiliation.
Aboriginal groups were historically excluded from the party.
Women's
organizations and environmental groups have been mainly outside
the
party.
But even groups closely associated with
the NDP have maintained some structures independent of the dominant
party.
For many years the Saskatchewan Federation of Labour, the Saskatchewan
Farmers Union, and the Saskatchewan Teachers Federation met regularly
to
discuss how to promote a progressive political agenda.
In the 1960s and 1970s, political action outside the NDP
expanded.
Aboriginal groups began to be more active. The peace and student
movements
grew. The anti-Vietnam war movement became very active. And on the more
socialist left, there was the formation of the Committee for a
Socialist
Movement. The progressive left in Saskatchewan was quick to join the
Waffle
movement in 1968. While a part of the NDP, the Waffle had its own
structure
which was independent of the party. It's demand for an independent
socialist
Canada had a major impact on politics in Saskatchewan.
The CCF governed Saskatchewan between 1944 and
1964. The Liberal
Party took office in 1964. Because of the polarization in Saskatchewan
politics after 1944, the opposition Liberal Party was to the political
right of the federal Liberal Party. While Premier Ross Thatcher and his
colleagues used all the rhetoric of the free market political right,
the
government did not dismantle the social democratic welfare state
created
by the CCF-NDP.
The Waffle and the Blakeney
government
Within the NDP, the Waffle was having a major
impact. The policies
adopted by the party represented a strong move to the left, and this
was
reflected in the 1971 campaign platform, "A New Deal for People." In
the
campaign for the new leader of the Party, Don Mitchell, the Waffle
candidate,
obtained 25 percent of the vote, and Allan Blakeney, the centrist
candidate,
was the compromise victor. Roy Romanow was the candidate for the
party's
right wing.
The NDP swept back into office in 1971,
winning 55 percent of
the vote, the highest ever in the province. But during the first term
in
office, the party began to swing back to the right. Party members
identified
with the Waffle were systematically excluded from jobs with the
government.
The Waffle left the party in 1973 after it was expelled in Ontario. The
militants in the trade union movement shifted back to work place
issues.
Allan Blakeney was a top level bureaucrat in
the CCF government
of the 1950s and 1960s who had come originally from Nova Scotia.
Political
commentators describe him as a technocrat, concerned with "efficiency"
and pragmatism in governing. Others describe him as a Fabian reformer.
His government was a centralized, top down administration. The greatest
achievement of this NDP government was the move to increase the
provincial
revenues from the extraction of natural resources by trans-national
corporations.
But this was done from the pragmatic position of raising provincial
revenues;
there was no ideological opposition to foreign corporate control of
natural
resources or support for social ownership. The elections of 1975 and
1978
saw the party move back to the right, with wage controls and an
alliance
with Peter Lougheed's Tory government in Alberta on constitutional
issues.
In March 1982 Allan Blakeney forced striking
hospital workers
back to work and the next day called a provincial election. The Tories
under Grant Devine got 54 percent of the vote and 57 of the 64 seats in
what is referred to as "the Monday night massacre." Blakeney's campaign
literature proudly cited supporting editorials from the Globe and Mail.
The day after the massacre, he told reporters that the party had failed
because it had not effectively communicated its record to the
electorate.
There was no analysis of why the party grass roots either voted for the
Tories or stayed home. (For this period, see Biggs and Stobbe, 1991;
Pitsula
and Rasmussen, 1990)
But the party itself did take some
action.
In 1984 they created a series of task forces on key issues and held
hearings
throughout the province. Reports from these meetings were to form the
basis
for party policy in the next election. The hearings were well attended,
and the reports offered a new direction. But the party hierarchy
crushed
this effort. The election planning committee for the 1986 election
revised
the reports, and the meat of the recommendations was eliminated.
Instead,
in 1986 the leadership of the NDP chose to follow the Tories and try to
buy votes by promising more hand outs to the middle class and small
business.
The key issues outlined in the panel reports, welfare rates and the
minimum
wage, the environment, women's rights, northern development, native
rights,
and trade union rights, were ignored.
The popular disgust with the Tory
government
did not result in a victory for the NDP. While they won slightly more
votes
than the Tories, the NDP won only two seats in the rural areas and 25
seats
overall. The Tories won by coming up with $2.4 billion in federal and
provincial
assistance to farmers, about $36,000 per farmer. The NDP's argument was
that the Tories had not come up with enough! They were even unwilling
to
oppose the acreage based distribution system which gave most of the
subsidy
to the biggest farmers. (See Briarpatch Magazine, November 1986)
The Saskatchewan Coalition
for Social Justice
The general consensus on the progressive
left was that the NDP lost the election because the party no longer had
any vision. As Grant Devine's Tory government began to attack the
welfare
state and support free trade, the free market, deregulation and
privatization,
the Blakeney-led NDP was content to argue in the legislature and try to
defend the status quo. Everyone knew that the NDP would now seek a new
leader, and the heir apparent was Roy Romanow. Romanow had always
represented
the right-wing in the party. He was widely known to be a back room boy
who distrusted the rank and file party members and their policies. He
was
also a parliamentarian and did not believe in extra-parliamentary
policies.
No one opposed Romanow for the leadership of
the party. On November
7, 1987 the coronation was an embarrassing display of show business
hype.
In an interview with Briarpatch Magazine in December 1987, he stressed
that he was a pragmatist, was primarily concerned with the "creation of
wealth" rather than its distribution, opposed extra-parliamentary
activity,
and indicated that he had no intention of trying to regain control of
the
resource sector privatized by Grant Devine. (Paavo, 1987)
The Saskatchewan Federation of Labour,
with its affiliation with the NDP, has always taken the position that
it
could not oppose any NDP government. But the Tories were in office. In
April 1987 the Association of Métis and Non-Status Indians, the
National Farmers Union, the Federation of Saskatchewan Indian Nations,
the Saskatchewan Action Committee on the Status of Women, the
Saskatchewan
Federation of Labour, Senior's groups, and representatives from the
United
Church and the Catholic Church met in Regina to begin talks on the
formation
of a broad political coalition. A further meeting was held in May and
80
people from 50 organizations established a formal group to set up the
new
organization.
In June 1987 the SFL and a wide range
of popular groups mobilized a mass march and demonstration against the
Tory government. The focus was on the cuts in spending and social
programs,
anti-labour legislation, free trade and privatization. 7,000 marched in
the biggest demonstration in Saskatchewan history. On October 17, the
groups
met in Regina to form the Saskatchewan Coalition for Social Justice.
The
founding Peoples Convention was set for Saskatoon in March 1988.
(The best study of this development to date is Somers, 1988)
The SCSJ carried out many demonstrations
and actions during the remainder of the Tory government. They
affiliated
with the Pro-Canada Network and strongly opposed the Canada-U.S. Free
Trade
Agreement in 1988. When the provincial election was called for October
1991, the SCSJ worked hard to elect the NDP government of Roy
Romanow.
While the SCSJ voted overwhelmingly at its last People's Congress
to continue to work for its political agenda after the 1991 election,
with
an NDP government in office, this did not happen. Too many of the
affiliated
groups had close ties with the NDP and were unwilling to support any
extra-parliamentary
actions, no matter how right wing the NDP policies. The SCSJ was
heavily
dependent on the SFL for financial and in kind support. While this
support
was there when there was a Tory government, it was not there for
opposition
to an NDP government. (See Brown et al, 1999)
Most of the political activists who
worked with the SCSJ were frustrated by coalition politics. First, the
SCSJ was a federation of groups linked at the top. Those groups made
very
little contribution to the SCSJ. There was no attempt to make the SCSJ
a key part of the political strategy of the member groups. There was
little
attempt to mobilize their own membership in support of coalition work.
As a result, political action was dependent on the work of a core
group of political activists. For major demonstrations, only the SFL
really
tried to mobilize their membership. But if local labour leaders did not
endorse and join with the SFL, then the turn out was relatively small.
Many of the trade unions whose primary allegiance was to the NDP were
highly
suspicious of the SCSJ as it operated outside the party.
The other major frustration was the
political direction of the SCSJ. Basically, it did not move beyond the
defence of the declining welfare state. It was unable to present any
vision
of a different society or a different future. It was unwilling to
criticize
any of the shortcomings of the social and economic programs which
formed
the core of the Keynesian welfare state. Similar problems in other
coalitions
are noted by Dennis Howlett (1989). Part of the reason for this was the
need to maintain the alliance of a wide range of groups. But to move
beyond
this was to engage in a political dialogue that would be similar to
founding
a new political party. At the last Peoples' Congress, when one
discussion
panel reported that the SCSJ should move in this direction,
spokespersons
from the SFL and the NFU said that if this happened their organizations
would have to withdraw from the coalition.
The meetings of the SCSJ after the
Romanow
government took office illustrated the degree to which the NDP had
hegemony
over popular organizations in Saskatchewan. Very few people were in
attendance.
Delegates from the major organizations disappeared. The representatives
from the SFL were always there, but it seemed that they were there to
ensure
that no action would be taken against the NDP government.
Forming the New Green Alliance
For the activists in the SCSJ, there
were few illusions about the NDP government under Roy Romanow. From the
day after the election Romanow made it clear that his primary goal in
office
would be to balance the budget and pay down the provincial debt. It was
also known that he was a strong supporter of the policies of the New
Zealand
Labour government, which was in office between 1984 and 1990. This
Labour
government went farther than Margaret Thatcher's Tory government in
repealing
the welfare state and instituting free market and free trade policies.
The first NDP budget revealed the
political
direction of the new government. The NDP completely repudiated its tax
policy set forth in "Tax Fairness for the 1990s" and adopted all of the
regressive tax policies of Grant Devine's Tory government. It was soon
apparent that they intended to continue the Tory policies of
privatization
and deregulation. The Romanow government soon became the darling of the
Fraser Institute. (See Brown, 1999; Brown et al, 1999; Haven, 1999;
McKague,
2000; Warnock, 1999a)
The political left became disenchanted.
The membership in the NDP declined dramatically. In 1993 a group of
people
who had been active in the SCSJ and some members of the Saskatchewan
Young
New Democrats began to hold informal meetings to discuss the future of
social democracy and other new political alternatives.
In mid-1993 the Regina group decided
to go public. Brief announcements were placed in Briarpatch and The
Prairie
Dog announcing the formation of a red green group in Regina. Around
fifteen
people responded, and the first formal meeting was held in September. A
committee was struck to draft a statement of purpose. The group first
adopted
the name Red Green Alliance; later this was changed to Left Green
Alliance,
as some feared the term "red" would be identified by the public with
the
old Communist Party.
In 1994 the group made the local press.
Victor Lau wrote a short piece for Briarpatch Magazine setting forth
the
idea that social justice policies also must be linked to environmental
issues and sustainable development. The article reported that he was a
member of the Left Green Alliance. At the time Lau was president of the
SYND, and he was attacked by the party hierarchy. There was a motion
introduced
in his riding to have him expelled from the NDP. This came directly
from
the premier's office. Following protests by rank and file members, the
NDP backed down. (Lau, 1994)
The Left Green Alliance formally went
public in May 1995 with the publication of a statement of principles in
Briarpatch Magazine. The statement drew heavily on the documents
provided
to the group by the Rainbow Alliance in Victoria, Australia. The
original
Left Green Alliance members shared certain fundamental political
convictions.
First, there was a dislike of capitalism and a desire to see it
replaced
by a new system based on democracy, co-operation and equality. There
was
a common agreement that they did not want to participate in the social
democratic program, which at best was the reform of the worst aspects
of
capitalism. Second, there was a shared concern over the worsening of
environmental
problems, and in particular global warming and the depletion of the
ozone
layer. No social democratic party, anywhere, had taken environmental
issues
seriously. In Saskatchewan, as in Australia, the social democratic
government,
with its heavy reliance on industrial agriculture and natural resource
extraction, emphatically denied that there was any problem.
The first general public meeting
of the Left Green Alliance was held in October 1996. There was a broad
discussion of social democracy and the NDP as well as discussion of
possible
alternative strategies. Other meetings were held. The central issue,
which
remained unresolved, was whether it was the time to begin the formation
of a new political party. The task would be formidable. It would not
have
the support of the political leadership of the trade union movement.
Many
on the left were very critical of the direction of the NDP, admitted
that
it was highly unlikely that things would change, yet were unwilling to
cut their historic ties to the mainstream Saskatchewan left. Instead,
they
quit the NDP and dropped out of politics.
In early 1997 the press reported
that a group based in
Lloydminister was calling for the formation of a new party. They called
a conference for Saskatoon in February, and the Left Green Alliance was
invited. But the Left Green Alliance representatives simply did not
like
the whole direction of the group. It was decided to remain open and
fraternal
to them but to concentrate on our political work.
In the fall of 1997 the Left Green
Alliance
was approached by a group of Regina environmentalists. They had worked
for Jim Harding in his election to city council. Harding and this group
had ideological ties to the Green Party of Canada. It was agreed to
have
a series of meetings to discuss whether or not to form a new political
party.
Most of the members of the Left Green
Alliance were political activists working in anti-poverty groups, the
Saskatchewan
Coalition Against Racism, the Saskatchewan Action Committee on the
Status
of Women, and the Young New Democrats. Only a few had been at all
active
in environmental groups, outside the general Saskatchewan left
opposition
to uranium mining. They were now joining forces with environmental
activists.
At the end of the third meeting, it was decided to poll those in
attendance.
Only one person objected to launching a new political party. It was
widely
agreed that the level of discontent and cynicism over the NDP had
reached
a high point. The members of the group were constantly being asked by
friends
when the new party would emerge. Now was the time to launch a party. If
it failed, then at least it had been tried.
One of the key issues to be resolved
was the relationship between a new party in Saskatchewan and the Green
Party of Canada. Some members of the group wanted to become the
provincial
wing of the federal party. But this was firmly opposed by the members
of
the Left Green Alliance. They could not accept the argument of the GPC
that "politics is no longer defined by the struggle between the Left
and
Right" but between Green and Grey. While everyone in the group believed
that environmental issues were of central importance, the question of
inequality
of income and wealth, and exploitation and domination, were seen to be
at least as important. In the end, it was agreed that the new name of
the
party would be the New Green Alliance, and it would have a loose
affiliation
with the Green Party of Canada.
Committees were established, and it was
decided to call a press
conference for Earth Day 1998 to announce the formation of a new party.
Ten basic principles were adopted (See Appendix). Committees were
formed
to draft a set of basic principles and a constitution and bylaws. A
founding
convention was set for May 2. Environmental and Green Party activists
from
Saskatoon were invited to attend. Around 50 people attended the
founding
convention, adopted a number of policy resolutions, a temporary party
structure
was adopted, and plans were made for getting the signatures necessary
for
the party to be officially recognized. (See Gonick, 1998; Marsden,
1998)
New Green Alliance as an
official political party
By January 1999 the NGA had been
recognized
as an official party. A convention was set for March to adopt the
constitution
and a platform for the 1999 provincial election. Roy Romanow declared
that
the NGA was "40 years out of date." The press commonly described the
NGA
as an attempt to revive the old CCF. Given the dwindling support for
the
NDP reflected in all the public opinion polls, the formation of a new
party
on the left could not be ignored.
In early March a conference was held
in Saskatoon, sponsored by the Saskatchewan Coalition for Social
Justice:
"The Saskatchewan NDP in Power: A Critical Appraisal." Around 150
political
activists attended. There was widespread criticism of the Romanow
government,
and three political options were identified. First there were those who
felt that the left should continue to operate within the NDP. This had
the weakest support at the conference. The second thrust was to
continue
to work in popular groups like the SCSJ and the Council of Canadians,
which
was expanding in Saskatchewan. The third position was to join the New
Green
Alliance. The conference revealed that many on the left, despite their
dismay over the political direction of the NDP, were still not willing
to join a new political party. (See also the survey by Roberts,
1999)
The second convention of the NGA was
held in Saskatoon near the end of March. The constitution was approved
in principle. But the primary focus of the convention was the
forthcoming
election. As required under the constitution, the party platform was
adopted
at the convention (See appendix). At this time the party had secured 13
candidates, and it was hoped that it would be able to run at least
20.
It was expected that the election would
be held in June. But the time came, and Premier Romanow got cold feet.
The nurses were on strike, and the NDP government was holding fast to
the
wage guidelines set for all public sector workers. As a result, three
by-election
had to be held. The NGA ran Neil Sinclair in Saskatoon-Fairview; with a
minimal campaign, he obtained two percent of the votes. In
Regina-Dewdney,
Victor Lau ran a more serious campaign and received 10 percent of the
vote.
In Cypress Hills local NGA supporters could not come up with a
candidate
and did not participate in the election. There was a swing to the
opposition
Saskatchewan Party, but the real news was the very low level of voter
participation.
In the Regina and Saskatoon ridings, very safe NDP seats, the turnout
fell
to 33 percent and the NDP share of the vote fell significantly. (See
Conway,
1999)
The general election was expected for
October 1999, the usual date for a fall election in Saskatchewan.
However,
Premier Romanow shocked everyone by calling the election in August,
when
many people were away on holidays. Insiders say that the NDP
establishment
believed that with the best political organization, the NDP could win a
majority of the seats with a low voter turnout.
The early election caught the NGA by
surprise. Many people were away on holidays. In all, the party only was
able to field 16 candidates. Another eight nominations were in sight
but
failed to get the necessary support to complete the required formal
paperwork
by the cut off date. While the NGA received fair media coverage during
the by-elections, they were all but shut out by the mainstream media
during
the general election. The CBC refused to allow Neil Sinclair, the
leader
of the NGA, to participate in the television debates; they even refused
to let party members in the studio during the debate. On election night
the party was stunned to see that the television stations had not even
put the NGA on their boards recording votes in the ridings.
Nevertheless, the NGA did relatively
well. Where they ran candidates,
they received on average five percent of the votes. This was not a bad
showing given the fact that the party was new, it received no media
coverage,
and with little money they had carried out a minimal campaign.
There was a dramatic swing against the
NDP in the election in the rural areas. The right-wing Saskatchewan
Party,
formed through an alliance between former Tories and Liberals,
and
headed by Elwin Hermanson, former Reform Party Member of Parliament,
won
24 of the 30 rural seats and a slight plurality of the total vote. The
NDP, facing the prospect of a minority government, signed a formal
alliance
with the three Liberal MLAs and formed the new government.
But the most noticeable fact in the
election was the decline in voter turnout. Normally 80 percent of
Saskatchewan
adults vote. That was the turnout when the NDP swept into office in
1991.
In the 1995 election, the turnout fell to 63 percent. In the 1999
election
it is reported that 63 percent of enumerated voters went to the polls.
But because of the snap election in the summer, the enumeration was
unusually
low. When measured against the number of eligible votes set by the
census,
the turnout across the province fell to 56 percent. (See Warnock,
1999b)
What we are witnessing in Saskatchewan
is most probably a fundamental change. The NDP, the traditional
governing
party, is losing its dominant position. People who have traditionally
voted
for them are staying home, not yet prepared to vote for the New Green
Alliance.
Historically, the CCF and the NDP on the left were opposed by the
Liberal
Party on the right. Now they are in a formal governing alliance, and
members
of both parties are greatly disturbed. Political observers, and the
"man
in the street", agree that the next election will likely see the NDP
run
out of office as in 1982. The NDP will have been in office for three
terms,
and it will be time for a change. But with the NDP becoming a
right-wing
neoliberal party, the loss of members and supporters may be permanent.
The future of the New Green
Alliance
The New Green Alliance has some advantages
at the time. People are disillusioned with the NDP, but they do not
want
to vote for the Saskatchewan Party. Environmental issues are front and
centre, and the CCF and the NDP, and social democracy in general, have
always put environmental issues at the bottom of the list of
priorities.
The New Green Alliance also strongly supports labour rights, women's
rights,
Aboriginal rights, gay rights, and is the only party committed to
ending
poverty. The potential for support is there.
There is growing opposition to the free
market and free trade agenda of neoliberalism. As the NDP has moved to
the right, it has adopted this direction as well. The NGA is the only
party
in Saskatchewan today that is at least committed to the keeping the
basics
of the Keynesian welfare state. It is the only party that takes a
public
position against the free trade agreements. It is the only party which
is putting forth a long term vision of a participatory, egalitarian,
ecological,
democratic society.
As a new party, the NGA has the usual
problems of lack of media coverage and lack of money to carry out a
campaign.
But there are other problems. They have found it very difficult to get
people to run for office as they are so turned off by the political
process.
It has been most difficult to get women to stand as candidates. Of
course,
it is not easy for women to participate in politics, given the fact
that
they are primarily responsible for child care and most have jobs
outside
the home. But in addition, NGA women members and supporters do
not
like the whole process of electoral campaigning. In addition, the NGA
lost
a number of potential women candidates in the last election because it
was not well enough organized to provide needed support. Most
discouraging,
two Aboriginal women had volunteered to run in Northern Saskatchewan
but
were not nominated because of lack of support from the party structure
in Regina and Saskatoon.
There is some tension in the party
between
the greens and the reds. The social justice activists have considerable
experience in political work. They have been pushing hardest for
serious
participation in the electoral campaigns. The environmental activists,
in general, are not as interested in pushing the electoral role of the
party. They prefer to do extra-parliamentary work.
Like most social justice and
environmental
organizations, the NGA depends on a core group of activists to do the
practical
work. A quick survey shows that most of these people have limited
family
commitments. Even activists on the left have to work for a living, and
many choose to have some form of family life. Some even like to have
fun
once in a while! Thus the NGA faces the usual problem of overwork and
burnout
from its most active supporters. Some have already withdrawn from
activism
because of other commitments. Most of them have been women. NGA members
are also all involved in community organizations. Finding enough time
to
add party work is a real problem.
Many in the NGA did not want to see
the new party organized along the lines of the traditional political
party.
They strongly believe in grass roots democracy, participatory democracy
and consensus decision making. This is entrenched in the NGA
constitution.
There is a proposal to include in the party structure the New Zealand
Green
Party and Brazilian Workers Party "group" as the basic party unit. But
to date this has not developed. Because of electoral politics, the
pressure
is to organize on the constituency level.
As I write this, the New Green Alliance
is in a relative state of limbo. Many have decided to step back a bit
from
all the work that was required in 1999. Yet the party has made a
commitment
to build its membership from 250 to 2,000 by the end of the year. It
has
also made a commitment to create an organization in all the provincial
ridings. A summer campaign, and participation in the expected fall
by-election
have been planned. How successful they will be remains to be
seen.
John W. Warnock
Paper presented at the Learned Socities
April 15, 2000
John W. Warnock was an
active member of the Saskatchewan Coalition for
Social Justice and a founding member of the New Green Alliance. He was
the candidate for the NGA in Regina-Elphinstone in the September 1999
provincial
election.
References
Biggs, Lesley and Mark Stobbe, eds. 1991. Devine Rule in Saskatchewan;
A Decade of Hope and Hardship. Saskatoon: Fifth House
Publishers.
Briarpatch Magazine.
1983. "Social Democracy in Saskatchewan." Special
Issue. Vol. 12, No. 10, December. Articles by John Conway, Murray
Dobbin,
Howard Brown, Laurie Thompson, Bonnie Jeffrey, and Clare Powell.
Briarpatch Magazine.
1986. "Shattered Vision; Special Election Issue."
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